Category Archives: medieval healing

Contagion and Pestilence in Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies

Saint Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636). Bishop, confessor and Doctor of the Church. Altarpiece of Saint Isidore. 15th century. Diocesan Museum of Calatayud. Spain.

Before Isidore of Seville became the patron saint of the internet, he was known for over a thousand years as a font of knowledge.  Isidore was not an innovator; he was a master of synthesis. It is through Isidore that we have an orderly account of the learned knowledge of the Late Roman world.  He was conscious of the fact that he was saving information at risk of being lost.  His Etymologies, written in twenty sections between 621 and 636, was both the Latin dictionary and encyclopedia of the entire medieval period. Isidore is not always correct — there is a lot of sounds-like etymology– but his explanations were accepted throughout the medieval period. So, Isidore is an ideal source to gain an understanding of how modern terms like contagion and pestilence were defined from the early seventh century in the midst of the first plague pandemic.

From Book IV: On Acute Illnesses:

17. Pestilence is a contagion that as soon as it seizes on one person quickly spreads to many. It arises from corrupt air and maintains itself by penetrating the internal organs. Although this is generally caused by powers in air, it never occurs without the consent of God. 18. It is called pestilence (pestilentia) as if it were pastulentia, because it consumes (depascere, ppl. depastus) like fire, as Vergil, Aen. 5.683): The pestilence descends on the whole body*. Likewise contagion (contagium) is from ‘touching’ (contingere), because it contaminates anyone it touches. 19. The swellings (inguen) (ie. bubonic plague) are so called from their striking the groin (inguen). Pestilence is also called plague (lues), so called from destruction (labes) and distress (luctus), and is so violent that there is no time to anticipate life or death, but weakness comes suddenly together with death. (p. 110-111).

The general definition of both pestilence and contagion, along with their spellings in Latin, are recognizable to us today. The modern editors note that Vergil is using pestilence as a metaphor for the burning of a Trojan ship. It is on the origin or mechanism of pestilence where we differ. Isidore’s world understood medicine as a function of airs and humors, a topic for another time. He also writes of plague again in his On the Nature of Things, which was less influential than the Etymologies. In a later post I will look at what the Venerable Bede does with both the works of Isidore and Pliny in his own On the Nature of Things.

Inguen as the term for a swelling in the groin is the what draws my attention. Inguen is the root for the modern word inguinal; as in inguinal bubo.  Two of the most important European historians of the first pandemic, Gregory of Tours and Paul the Deacon, used the term inguinaria for the pandemic. Unfortunately, inguinaria is usually literally lost in translation. Rather than leaving inguinaria as the early medieval term for bubonic plague, it is usually translated as the less specific ‘plague’ or a little better ‘inguinal plague’. Even in the translation above, it is translated as swelling with the original word in parenthesis.

Bubo is likewise said to come from the Greek word for groin, boubon (βουβών), but I have not found a source to discuss its earliest use. Isidore does not discuss the term bubo or the Greek term boubon, presumably using inguen instead. Greek boubon translates into Latin as inguen, both meaning groin or swelling the groin. Ironically “inguinal bubo” then duplicates the same meaning. It would be interesting to know if boubon or bubonic is a word used for the first pandemic (541-c. 750) in the Eastern Roman empire.

One of the important inferences from the derivation of inguen/boubon is that it supports the groin as the primary site of early infection. So while buboes can be found in the axilla and neck, and there are other transmission routes, it was recognized from the beginning as a disease of the groin. This in turn supports fleas as the primary transmission vector, since as insects found on the floor most of the time, they usually bite on the legs resulting in an inguinal bubo.

Reference: Barney, SA, Lewis, WI, Beach, JA, and Berghof, O. (trans and ed). The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville. Cambridge, 2006.

Autumn Reading

Autumn 2014

So much for my plan to do monthly reading updates. I think quarterly might be more feasible. It seems like the fall has flown by and was not as productive as I would have liked. Isn’t that always the way?

So I’m currently working my way through Cameron’s Anglo-Saxon Medicine and then next up will be the brand new second edition of Mitchell’s A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641.

Books finished:
  • Matilda Holmes, Animals in Saxon and Scandinavian England: Backbones of Economy and Society. Sidestone press, 2014 (reviewed here)
  • Prokopius, The Secret History and Related Texts. Anthony Kaldellis, ed. Hackett, 2010.
  • David Quammen. Ebola: A Natural and Human History of a Deadly Virus. 2014. (excerpted, adapted and updated from his Spillover)
Notable Papers
  • Setzer, T. J. (2014). Malaria detection in the field of paleopathology: A meta-analysis of the state of the art. Acta Tropica, 140, 97–104. doi:10.1016/j.actatropica.2014.08.010 (summarized here)
  • Christina Lee. (2014). Invisible enemies: the role of epidemics in the shaping of historical events in the early medieval period in. Social Dimensions of Medieval Disease and Disability, 1–17.
  • Sallares, R. (2006). Role of environmental changes in the spread of malaria in Europe during the Holocene. Quaternary International, 150(1), 21–27. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2006.01.005
  • Sallares, R., Bouwman, A., & Anderung, C. (2004). The spread of malaria to Southern Europe in antiquity: new approaches to old problems. Medical History, 48(3), 311–328.
  • Collins, W. E., & Jeffery, G. M. (2007). Plasmodium malariae: Parasite and Disease. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 20(4), 579–592. doi:10.1128/CMR.00027-07
  • Schreg, Rainer. (2014) “Ecological Approaches in Medieval Rural Archaeology” European Journal of Archaeology, 17 (1), 83-119.
  • Flaherty, E. (2014). Assessing the distribution of social–ecological resilience and risk: Ireland as a case study of the uneven impact of famine. Ecological Complexity, 19, 35–45. doi:10.1016/j.ecocom.2014.04.002
  • SHARPE, W. D., &  Isidore of Seville. (1964). Isidore of Seville: the Medical Writings. An English Translation with an Introduction and Commentary. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, 54(2), 1–75.
  • Carter, R., & Mendis, K. N. (2002). Evolutionary and Historical Aspects of the Burden of Malaria. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 15(4), 564–594. doi:10.1128/CMR.15.4.564-594.2002
I’ve also spent quite a bit of time this autumn reading the pre-print editions of the contributions to Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death edited by Monica Green in the inaugural edition of The Medieval Globe, which I’m honored to be a contributor to. Watch this space for more news on this special issue very soon.

Reading in August

august

Just a little update on my reading in August. I’ve been jumping around a bit reading on the history of malaria and wetlands.  Lots of interesting bits and pieces!

Books

  • John Aberth. An Environmental History of the Middle Ages: The Crucible of Nature, 2013.
  • Gregory of Tours (d. 594): Glory of the Confessors 
  • Gregory of Tours (d. 594): The Life of the Fathers
    • Looking at what diseases people are seeking cures for primarily at the shrines of the saints.
  • William McNeill, Plagues and Peoples. 1976.
    • I reread this book about every ten years, so I’m working my way through it over lunch at work at the present. Odd to reread a book I first read in the late 1980s as a student.  Its surprising how well it holds up, but it is now out of date in biology, history and anthropology. It really can’t be used to represent modern views on either infectious disease biology or history. We really need a new, updated edition!  Just to give a few examples, HIV hadn’t even been identified in 1976 (as McNeill mentions in the preface of the 1998 edition) and antibiotic resistance and ‘(re)emerging infectious diseases’ were not considered critical problems (although both had begun to appear).
  • Robert Sallares, Malaria and Rome: A History of Malaria in Ancient Italy. 2002 (in progress)
 Standout Papers – (more or less in order they were read)
  • Couser, J. (2010). The Changing Fortunes of Early Medieval Bavaria to 907 ad. History Compass, 8(4), 330–344. doi:10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00671.x
  • King, G., & Henderson, C. (2013). Living cheek by jowl: The pathoecology of medieval York. Quaternary International, xxx, 1–12. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2013.07.032
  • Förster, F., Großmann, R., Hinz, M., Iwe, K., Kinkel, H., Larsen, A., et al. (2013). Towards mutual understanding within interdisciplinary palaeoenvironmental research: An exemplary analysis of the term landscape. Quaternary International, 312(C), 4–11. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2013.07.045
  • Rippon, S. (2009). ‘Uncommonly rich and fertile’ or “not very salubrious?” The Perception and Value of Wetland Landscapes. Landscapes, 10(1), 39–60.
  • Bankoff, G. (2013). The“English Lowlands” and the North Sea Basin System: A History of Shared Risk. Environment and History, 19(1), 3–37.
  • Justin T. Noetzel. Monster, Demon, Warrior: St Guthlac and the Cultural Landscape of the Anglo-Saxon Fens. Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Volume 45, 2014, pp. 105-131.
  • O’Sullivan, L., Jardine, A., Cook, A., & Weinstein, P. (2008). Deforestation, mosquitoes, and ancient Rome: Lessons for today. BioScience, 58(8), 756–760.