Category Archives: medieval healing

Winter Reading


Well since spring is officially here, I guess I’m overdue in posting my winter reading. For being snowed in several weekends this winter, I think I must have done more hibernating than reading/work! My reading seemed to be all over the place and more than usual off-topic to be listed here. I shall try to do better this spring!

M.L. Cameron: Anglo-Saxon Medicine. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Tim Clarkson. Strathclyde and the Anglo-Saxons in the Viking Age, Birlinn Books, 2014

Hamerow, H. (2004). Early Medieval Settlements: The Archaeology of Rural Communities in Northwest Europe, 400-900. Oxford University Press.

PhD Dissertations/Theses

Green, T. (2011). A Re-evaluation of the Evidence of Anglian-British Interaction in the Lincoln Region  (pp. 1–347). Trinity: University of Oxford.

Notable papers

Halsall, G. (2014). Two Worlds Become One: A ‘Counter-Intuitive’ View of the Roman Empire and “Germanic” Migration. German History, 32(4), 515–532. doi:10.1093/gerhis/ghu107

Faure, E. (2014). Malarial pathocoenosis: beneficial and deleterious interactions between malaria and other human diseases. Frontiers in Physiology, 5. doi:10.3389/fphys.2014.00441/abstract

Richard, V., Riehm, J. M., Herindrainy, P., Soanandrasana, R., Ratsitoharina, M., Rakotomanana, F., et al. (2015). Pneumonic Plague Outbreak, Northern Madagascar, 2011. Emerging Infectious Diseases, 21(1).

DeWitte, S. N. (2015). Bioarchaeology and the Ethics of Research Using Human Skeletal Remains.History Compass, 13(1), 10–19. doi:10.1111/hic3.12213

Gonzalez, R. J., Lane, M. C., Wagner, N. J., Weening, E. H., & Miller, V. L. (2015). Dissemination of a Highly Virulent Pathogen: Tracking The Early Events That Define Infection. PLoS Pathogens,11(1), e1004587. doi:10.1371/journal.ppat.1004587.s010

Wang, X., Liang, J., Xi, J., Yang, J., Wang, M., Tian, K., et al. (2014). Canis lupus familiaris involved in the transmission of pathogenic Yersinia spp. in China. Veterinary Microbiology172(1-2), 339–344. doi:10.1016/j.vetmic.2014.04.015

Singer, M., & Clair, S. (2003). Syndemics and public health: reconceptualizing disease in bio-social context. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 17(4), 423–441.

Rock, M., Buntain, B. J.,Hatfield, J. M., & HallgrImsson, B. (2009). Animal–human connections, “‘one health,’” and the syndemic approach to prevention. Social Science & Medicine (1982), 68(6), 991–995. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.12.047

Ostrach, B., & Singer, M. (2013). Syndemics of War: Malnutrition-Infectious Disease Interactions and the Unintended Health Consequences of International War Policies.  Annals of Anthropological Practice, 36(2), 257–273. doi:10.1111/napa.12003

Contagion and Pestilence in Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies

Saint Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636). Bishop, confessor and Doctor of the Church. Altarpiece of Saint Isidore. 15th century. Diocesan Museum of Calatayud. Spain.

Before Isidore of Seville became the patron saint of the internet, he was known for over a thousand years as a font of knowledge.  Isidore was not an innovator; he was a master of synthesis. It is through Isidore that we have an orderly account of the learned knowledge of the Late Roman world.  He was conscious of the fact that he was saving information at risk of being lost.  His Etymologies, written in twenty sections between 621 and 636, was both the Latin dictionary and encyclopedia of the entire medieval period. Isidore is not always correct — there is a lot of sounds-like etymology– but his explanations were accepted throughout the medieval period. So, Isidore is an ideal source to gain an understanding of how modern terms like contagion and pestilence were defined from the early seventh century in the midst of the first plague pandemic.

From Book IV: On Acute Illnesses:

17. Pestilence is a contagion that as soon as it seizes on one person quickly spreads to many. It arises from corrupt air and maintains itself by penetrating the internal organs. Although this is generally caused by powers in air, it never occurs without the consent of God. 18. It is called pestilence (pestilentia) as if it were pastulentia, because it consumes (depascere, ppl. depastus) like fire, as Vergil, Aen. 5.683): The pestilence descends on the whole body*. Likewise contagion (contagium) is from ‘touching’ (contingere), because it contaminates anyone it touches. 19. The swellings (inguen) (ie. bubonic plague) are so called from their striking the groin (inguen). Pestilence is also called plague (lues), so called from destruction (labes) and distress (luctus), and is so violent that there is no time to anticipate life or death, but weakness comes suddenly together with death. (p. 110-111).

The general definition of both pestilence and contagion, along with their spellings in Latin, are recognizable to us today. The modern editors note that Vergil is using pestilence as a metaphor for the burning of a Trojan ship. It is on the origin or mechanism of pestilence where we differ. Isidore’s world understood medicine as a function of airs and humors, a topic for another time. He also writes of plague again in his On the Nature of Things, which was less influential than the Etymologies. In a later post I will look at what the Venerable Bede does with both the works of Isidore and Pliny in his own On the Nature of Things.

Inguen as the term for a swelling in the groin is the what draws my attention. Inguen is the root for the modern word inguinal; as in inguinal bubo.  Two of the most important European historians of the first pandemic, Gregory of Tours and Paul the Deacon, used the term inguinaria for the pandemic. Unfortunately, inguinaria is usually literally lost in translation. Rather than leaving inguinaria as the early medieval term for bubonic plague, it is usually translated as the less specific ‘plague’ or a little better ‘inguinal plague’. Even in the translation above, it is translated as swelling with the original word in parenthesis.

Bubo is likewise said to come from the Greek word for groin, boubon (βουβών), but I have not found a source to discuss its earliest use. Isidore does not discuss the term bubo or the Greek term boubon, presumably using inguen instead. Greek boubon translates into Latin as inguen, both meaning groin or swelling the groin. Ironically “inguinal bubo” then duplicates the same meaning. It would be interesting to know if boubon or bubonic is a word used for the first pandemic (541-c. 750) in the Eastern Roman empire.

One of the important inferences from the derivation of inguen/boubon is that it supports the groin as the primary site of early infection. So while buboes can be found in the axilla and neck, and there are other transmission routes, it was recognized from the beginning as a disease of the groin. This in turn supports fleas as the primary transmission vector, since as insects found on the floor most of the time, they usually bite on the legs resulting in an inguinal bubo.

Reference: Barney, SA, Lewis, WI, Beach, JA, and Berghof, O. (trans and ed). The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville. Cambridge, 2006.

Autumn Reading

Autumn 2014

So much for my plan to do monthly reading updates. I think quarterly might be more feasible. It seems like the fall has flown by and was not as productive as I would have liked. Isn’t that always the way?

So I’m currently working my way through Cameron’s Anglo-Saxon Medicine and then next up will be the brand new second edition of Mitchell’s A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641.

Books finished:
  • Matilda Holmes, Animals in Saxon and Scandinavian England: Backbones of Economy and Society. Sidestone press, 2014 (reviewed here)
  • Prokopius, The Secret History and Related Texts. Anthony Kaldellis, ed. Hackett, 2010.
  • David Quammen. Ebola: A Natural and Human History of a Deadly Virus. 2014. (excerpted, adapted and updated from his Spillover)
Notable Papers
  • Setzer, T. J. (2014). Malaria detection in the field of paleopathology: A meta-analysis of the state of the art. Acta Tropica, 140, 97–104. doi:10.1016/j.actatropica.2014.08.010 (summarized here)
  • Christina Lee. (2014). Invisible enemies: the role of epidemics in the shaping of historical events in the early medieval period in. Social Dimensions of Medieval Disease and Disability, 1–17.
  • Sallares, R. (2006). Role of environmental changes in the spread of malaria in Europe during the Holocene. Quaternary International, 150(1), 21–27. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2006.01.005
  • Sallares, R., Bouwman, A., & Anderung, C. (2004). The spread of malaria to Southern Europe in antiquity: new approaches to old problems. Medical History, 48(3), 311–328.
  • Collins, W. E., & Jeffery, G. M. (2007). Plasmodium malariae: Parasite and Disease. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 20(4), 579–592. doi:10.1128/CMR.00027-07
  • Schreg, Rainer. (2014) “Ecological Approaches in Medieval Rural Archaeology” European Journal of Archaeology, 17 (1), 83-119.
  • Flaherty, E. (2014). Assessing the distribution of social–ecological resilience and risk: Ireland as a case study of the uneven impact of famine. Ecological Complexity, 19, 35–45. doi:10.1016/j.ecocom.2014.04.002
  • SHARPE, W. D., &  Isidore of Seville. (1964). Isidore of Seville: the Medical Writings. An English Translation with an Introduction and Commentary. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, 54(2), 1–75.
  • Carter, R., & Mendis, K. N. (2002). Evolutionary and Historical Aspects of the Burden of Malaria. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 15(4), 564–594. doi:10.1128/CMR.15.4.564-594.2002
I’ve also spent quite a bit of time this autumn reading the pre-print editions of the contributions to Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death edited by Monica Green in the inaugural edition of The Medieval Globe, which I’m honored to be a contributor to. Watch this space for more news on this special issue very soon.