Category Archives: historiography

Beyond Germs: Native Depopulation in North America

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Beyond Germs: Native Depopulation in North America. Edited by Catherine Cameron, Paul Kelton and Alan Swedlund. University of Arizona Press, 2015.


With the number of emerging infectious diseases climbing and new revelations about plague’s past, this book is a timely caution to the rhetoric surrounding so-called virgin soil epidemics. This book is the publication of an interdisciplinary conference held to discuss the causes of Native American depopulation hosted by the Amerind Foundation. Essays by David Jones, George Milner, Clark Spenser Larsen, Debra Martin, Gerardo Gutiérrez, Alan Swedlund, Catherine Cameron, Paul Kelton, Katheleen Hull, and James Brooks are included. Most of these essays are case studies in depopulation of specific areas.

David Jones opens the book with a discussion of the rhetoric surrounding so-called virgin soil epidemics that are credited with being the primary cause of native depopulation. Admitting the influence of his mentor evolutionary biologist Stephan J Gould, Jones favors social and contingent causes for depopulation over biological determinism. Perhaps the influential role that Gould played in my own formation as a biologist makes me sympathetic to Jones’ argument, but I can certainly live with that. Genetic determinism, in my opinion, is the easy way out to explain what can not be yet understood. His argument against the sweeping rhetoric of ‘virgin soil epidemics’ is, I think, very effective.

Milner’s chapter tackles the tricky problem of the pre-contact population collapse of the Mississippian culture centered at the mid-continent site of Cahokia, near St. Louis. This had been the largest and most (archaeologically) complex native culture in North America but it collapsed so entirely that the mid-continent was still sparsely populated when Europeans arrived a couple of centuries later. Medieval Cahokia had been more populous than  contemporary London. The example of Cahokia must give us pause for assuming that unrecorded demographic collapses that lack signs of massive destruction must be due to epidemics.

Larsen, Martin, Gutiérrez, and Hull cover the effect of the Spanish mission system in Florida, the Pueblo of the Southwest,  Mexico, and California respectively. Structural violence was seen throughout the Spanish mission system from hard, forced labor. Larsen discusses the changed how changed landscapes and lifestyles make natives more susceptible to infection. He sees a dramatic rise in cribra orbitalis/porotic hyperostosis as a sign of iron deficiency when it may actually be malaria. Wet Florida would have been susceptible to endemic malaria and a reservoir for it to spread through the southeast. Martin looks at the bioarchaeological evidence for a ‘creeping genocide’ in the peublos of the south west. Sporatic massacres of pueblo communities was used to enforce compliance by the wider culture. Cultural resilience was also stressed to the breaking point by a prolonged period of drought and environmental deterioration in the southwest that left them with marginal nutritional sufficiency. In this stressed environment, smallpox spread widely among the pueblo communities. Epidemics were part of a set of practices used to destroy or reorient native culture to make it acceptible, and more importantly controllable for the Spanish. Gutiérrez focuses on the methods and effects of identity erasure on demographics. The caste system that developed was very systematic “virtuous cycle”  with the goal of eliminating native identiy and indeed native (and African) ‘blood’ while maximizing Spanish identity and ‘blood’.

Chapters by Swedlund,  Cameron, and Kelton  examine tribes that dealt more closely with the English colonies and early American states. Swedlund looks at the great smallpox epidemic of 1633-34 beyond coastal New England up into the Connecticutt River valley. Cameron reviews the demographic effects of warfare and captive taking had on the Southeast, the northern Pays d’en Haunt (Great Lakes region), and the Southwest tribes. Colonial politics and trade caused more intertribal warfare than warfare directly with European colonists. Kelton writes about the disastrous experiences of the Cherokee with warfare, famine, and disease during the American Revolutionary War.

On of the overarching problems is the difficulty in determining population size before contact and then for the first couple centuries of the colonial period. Problematically, in the past abandoned villages have been assumed to be extinct due to disease rather than simply relocation or the movement of refugees to other tribes. The reality is that many areas that are fertile with Old World methods and domestic livestock were very difficult to make productive with native resources.

Over arching themes that I noticed which point toward other factors than just “germs” causing depopulation:

  1.  Use of starvation as an intentional weapon accomplished by burning fields and disrupting the agricultural cycle.
  2. Selective taking of women of reproductive age as captives/slaves causing a gender imbalance that prevented populations from rebounding.
  3. Selling captives to slavers rather than incorporating them into the tribe as pre-contact tribes often did to bolster their numbers and replace their dead. Sales were often to repay debts for European trade goods, especially weapons and ammunition.
  4.  Use of tribes as proxy militias by European powers to create intertribal warfare and recruitment of tribes by the British during the American revolution and war of 1812. Set up an adversarial relationship with the young American nation.
 In effect, I think the process they are all searching for is a syndemic that combined epidemics, nutritional deficiencies, systemic violence, slavery, and forced assimilation. Unfortunately they didn’t really consult the syndemic literature.

One of the things I took away from this collection is an appreciation for how long it takes to develop a fully agricultural culture. Many Native American groups were still in transition. Lacking domestic animals other than the dog, they were very vulnerable to climate and social disorder disrupting their agricultural cycle and yield. Some tribes adopted domestic animals from Europeans quickly. Colonists were greatly alarmed at how quickly the Cherokee adopted raising hogs and European crops, bringing them nutritional stability. Of course, horses are were adopted so well by natives that its hard for many of us today to even think of Native Americans without them.  The idea that domestic animals were worth the effort may have been what was missing most, rather than a lack of animals capable of being domesticated.

I highly recommend this book for anyone interested the dynamics of depopulation, “dark ages”, and most importantly for comparison to other “virgin soil” epidemic situations. I don’t think it’s a coincidence that other renowned virgin soil epidemics like the first and second plague pandemics occurred in times of ecological and social stress in addition to the epidemic in question. By opening the explanations for Native American depopulation up to other causes than disease,  it also opens up views into colonial life that even contemporaries tried to ignore. Wether their demise to disease was believed by contemporaries to be divine will or by modern historians as biological determinism, it has diverted attention away from the very human causes of depopulation and in some cases genocide.

Autumn Reading

Autumn 15

While autumn is not officially over yet, December always seems like winter to me so here is my reading review from autumn.
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This season I’m introducing a book review rating system. On my scale, an average book would get three scopes; a good book, four; and only the extraordinary book gets five scopes. I probably will not rate translations because I don’t feel qualified to evaluate them.

Books

Paul Kelton. Epidemics and Enslavement: Biological Catastrophes in the Native Southeast, 1492-1715. University of Arizona Press, 2007.   microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)

Catherine Cameron, Paul Kelton, and Alan Swedlund, eds. Beyond Germs: Native Depopulation in North America. U of Arizona Press, 2015. microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)

Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre: Chronicle, Part III edited by Withold Witakowski, Liverpool University Press, 1997. (includes the largest section of John of Ephesus’ Church History/History of the Plague)

Zlata Blažina Tomic and Vesna Blažina  Expelling the Plague: The Health Office and the Implementation of Quarantine in Dubrovnik, 1377-1533. McGill-Queens University Press, 2015.microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)

Dorothy Crawford. Deadly Companions: How Microbes Shaped Our History. Oxford University Press, 2007. microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)

Susan Mattern. The Prince of Medicine: Galen in the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2013. microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)microscope23 (1)

Papers

Meier, D. (2004). Man and environment in the marsh area of Schleswig–Holstein from Roman until late Medieval times. Quaternary International, 112(1), 55–69. http://doi.org/10.1016/S1040-6182(03)00065-X

 

Stanley, J.-D., Bernasconi, M. P., & Jorstad, T. F. (2008). Pelusium, an Ancient Port Fortress on Egypt’s Nile Delta Coast: Its Evolving Environmental Setting from Foundation to Demise. Journal of Coastal Research, 242, 451–462. http://doi.org/10.2112/07A-0021.1

Schats, R. (2015). Malaise and mosquitos: osteoarchaeological evidence for malaria in the medieval Netherlands. Analecta Praehistoricaleidensia, 45, 133–140.

MacMaster, T. J. (2015). “Not With a Bang?” The Economics of Trade and the End of Byzantine North Africa. In M. Di Rodi, P. Frankopan, M. Lau, & C. Franchi (Eds.), Landscapes of Power: Selected Papers From the XV Oxford University Byzantine Society International Graduate Conference (pp. 73–91).

SHWARTZ, L. (2013). Gargano Comes to Rome: Castel Sant“Angelo”s Historical Origins. The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 64(03), 453–475. http://doi.org/10.1017/S0022046912001704 (Blogged about here: St Michael, the Plague and Castel Sant’ Angelo,  in 2012 after his Kalamazoo talk. I just found in in print much as I remembered in the blog post.)

Rasmussen, S., Allentoft, M. E., Nielsen, K., Orlando, L., Sikora, M., Sjögren, K.-G., et al. (2015). Early Divergent Strains of Yersinia pestis in Eurasia 5,000 Years Ago. Cell, 163(3), 571–582. http://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2015.10.009 (See the previous post on this blog!)

Sun, Y.-C., Jarrett, C. O., Bosio, C. F., & Hinnebusch, B. J. (2014). Retracing the Evolutionary Path that Led to Flea-Borne Transmission of Yersinia pestis. Cell Host and Microbe, 15(5), 578–586. http://doi.org/10.1016/j.chom.2014.04.003

McCormick, M. (2015). Tracking mass death during the fall of Rome’s empire (I). Journal of Roman Archaeology, 28, 325–357.

Daniel Melleno. (2014) North Sea Networks: Trade and Communication from the Seventh to the Tenth Century. Comitatus. 45:65-90.

microscope23 (1)Icon made by Freepik from www.flaticon.com

The Black Death in the Ottoman Empire and Ragusan Republic

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Nükhet Varlık. Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World: The Ottoman Experience 1347-1600. Cambridge University Press, 2015.

Zlata Blažina Tomic and Vesna Blažina  Expelling the Plague: The Health Office and the Implementation of Quarantine in Dubrovnik, 1377-1533. McGill-Queens University Press, 2015.  [Dubrovnik = Ragusa]. [An English edition of  Blažina-Tomić, Zlata. Kacamorti i kuga. Utemeljenje i razvoj zdravstvene službe u Dubrovniku. [The Cazamorti and the Plague: Founding and Development of the Health Office in Dubrovnik] Zagreb: HAZU, 2007.]


Comparing the Ragusan Republic to the Ottoman Empire is a little like comparing an ant to an anteater, but nevertheless they managed to coexist as neighbors throughout the plague years. They were both carved out of the relic of the Byzantine empire. If you have never heard of the Ragusan Republic, that is probably because the city of Ragusa is now called Dubrovnik and the republic was limited to that small coastal area of modern Croatia. It was one of the smallest city states of the Mediterranean world. On the other hand, by 1600 the Ottoman Empire included almost all of what had been the Eastern Roman Empire or Byzantine Empire.

It seems natural to assume that the larger, more powerful nation should be able to do everything better, but when it comes to public health the opposite is often true. Quarantines are much easier to develop and maintain in a smaller state with limited points of access like Ragusa. The fact that smaller wealthy states often have better health care does not prevent contemporaries from still expecting the larger state to do better. Expectations are rarely realistic. The Ottoman empire was not well understood by contemporary Europeans and the growth of the empire over the 14th and 15th centuries terrified them. The second plague pandemic hit the Ottoman empire at least as hard as elsewhere and yet, it continued to grow. This alone gives the Ottoman experience a unique position in plague history.

Each book naturally is focused on their unique contributions to plague studies. Varlık reconstructs the movements of the plague on a grand scale as it ebbed, flowed, and pulsed through the Ottoman empire by 1600 encompassing about a third of the Mediterranean rim. It has become clear that we can not understand the Black Death without the Ottoman experience. Tomic and Blažina provide a microhistory of the public health and medical practices in the single city of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). They remind us that even in a city that was extremely diligent with their quarantine measures, security and economics often trump public health and that medical care was a contracted service to meet the needs of city administrators.

Turning to the Ottoman empire first, Varlık has to begin with some damage control on assumptions about the Ottomans. She made me grateful that I don’t have any assumptions about the Ottomans to be be undone; sometimes its good to be a blank slate. This is an important chapter for historians who deal with opinions of 14th centuries sources and their impact on subsequent historiography.  For most of us, the Ottoman experience during the Black Death as been a black hole in history– until now.

Her chapter on the natural history of the plague in Ottoman lands is a gold mine of information on fleas and hosts. It is clear that there were plenty of black rats in Constantinople at the onset of the Black Death and Istanbul in subsequent epidemics. Fleas and lice were such a common way of life that people who did not have fleas or lice were considered suspect of either being lepers or having foul body odor! (p. 34) This is the kind of historical evidence we need for most regions of the world with plague histories.

In most of the book, Varlık traces the trajectory of the plague to Constantinople / Istanbul and the rest of the Ottoman empire ultimately through four phases. When the Black Death first arrived, Constantinople was still part of the Byzantine empire and the Ottomans were a small Anatolian group. This was followed by three phases of plague activity from the time the Ottoman’s conquered Constantinople, renaming it Istanbul. In the first phase (1453-1517), the Ottomans were besieged by plague imported from the West in multiple ‘waves’. Remarkably, it did not check population or urban growth. Plague pulsed in and out of the empire’s regional networks during the second phase (1517-1570). By the third phase (1570-1600), Istanbul has transformed to a plague hub reflecting its centralizing role in the empire. She finished the last section of the book with a discussion of new understandings of the plague and social experience of the Ottomans during the plague.

Varlık looks forward to others examining other contemporary major states like the Hapsburg empire for comparative analysis. Personally, I look forward to a comparison between the first pandemic in the Roman/Byzantine Empire and the second pandemic among the Ottoman Empire. It is essentially the same territory, both seated from Constantinople / Istanbul. Did Roman Constantinople have the same ‘capital effect’ that Varlık outlines in this book?  An obvious difference being that the Ottomans waxed during the second pandemic, while Byzantium waned from the first pandemic onward. What role, if any, did the plague have in their polical trajectories? The rise of the Ottomans straight through the second pandemic should make people pause in their eagerness to claim the first pandemic doomed the Roman empire.  Or did their political trajectories explain how plague was transmitted within or through the respective empires? I suspect the later is the right question. I rather suspect, as Varlık shows here, that the plague is reflecting social and political changes rather than causing those changes. And, this does not diminish the importance of the plague in any way.

Pivoting to the Ragusan Republic, the scale has shrunk so much that it seems like a different world (even though the Ottoman’s had hegemony over Ragusa for part of the period covered). The entire Ragusan Republic was perhaps on par with a medium size Ottoman city. Comparing the differences in attitude toward each other between Ragusa and Istanbul in these two books is interesting. The Ragusan Republic had a peculiar organization owing to its foundation by a group of Byzantine businessmen, who created a state to allow their business and lifestyle to continue but with little if any political or religious ambitions.  Due to its small size it had to contract most professionals like physicians, surgeons, and clergy from outside the republic, primarily from Italy. Their position on the frontier between Christendom and Islamic lands gave them unusual religious independence especially considering they had to import their clergy.

Ragusa’s primary claim to plague fame is having established the first quarantine zone to protect the city of Ragusa. Fair enough, though as small as the republic was, the protected zone was limited to the city of Ragusa itself with its peripheral islands used for isolation of the sick and quarantine of the suspected. Their plague program had to be set up and maintained while business continued in the city. Ragusa was too small to stop imports. It couldn’t feed itself, much less keep its economy moving enough to pay for the security it needed, with its port closed. They were in constant fear that the plague would make them vulnerable to conquest by their neighbors.

Tomic and Blažina utilize a unique archive of government actions and contracts for health services to reconstruct the health care program of Ragusa. Their interaction with the physicians they contracted for services was fascinating. First, physicians never were in control or even had a significant influence on the function of the health office. They were contracted like any other professional. During plague outbreaks, they granted leaves of absence to the regular physicians that they valued. They were apparently too important to risk during the plague (p. 173). They then contracted specific plague physicians (medi pestis) who were only allowed to evaluate suspected plague cases and treat those who had plague. I previously wrote about one of their plague doctors here. They were not allowed to do other services and had to live in essentially quarantined due to their contact with possible plague victims. These plague doctors were paid by the state and were required to treat people of all classes the same, so the poor could expect to have the same attention as the wealthy. Ragusa’s health office was an experiment in socialized medicine. Those interested in the evolution of public health should be interested in this book.

Between these two books the eastern Mediterranean can begin to take the pivotal place that its geography suggests it must have in understanding the second plague pandemic. In the 15th and 17th century the Ottoman Empire linked together the three continents all ravaged by the pandemic. In the decades leading up to 1600 when Istanbul became a plague hub, it reflected Istanbul’s essential role in controlling all movement within the empire and thus within this connecting zone between the three continents. Tracking the plague may well inform political and economic history as well as the history of health in this critical region.