Category Archives: molecular biology

Plasmodium knowlesi: A New Ancient Malaria Parasite

There are over a hundred different species of the malaria-causing Plasmodium parasites in reptiles, birds and mammals. Being so widespread among terrestrial vertebrates, zoonotic transfer of Plasmodium has come at humans from multiple different sources. Plasmodium knowlesi had been known for some time as a parasite of long-tailed macaques but was not considered a significant human parasite until 2004 when a large number of human infections were identified in Borneo. Molecular analysis implies that Plasmodium knowlesi is as old as Plasmodium vivax and Plasmodium falciparum.

Cover image the phases of Plasmodium knowlesi from the April 2013 issue of Clinical Microbiology Reviews.

Diagnosis is complicated by the histological similarity between Plasmodium knowlesi and Plasmodium malariae. They can’t be distinguished in blood smears like those shown here, so infections were most often misdiagnosed as P. malariae even though they cause a quotidian (daily) fever. The WHO recommends that microscopic detection in areas where P. knowlesi is found report positive results as “P. malariae/P. knowlesi”.  It can only be securely diagnosed by molecular methods  that can distinguish all five human malarial species. PCR based detection methods have shown promise but no one method has been clinically tested with a large enough number of cases to become the standard of care. Antibody-based Rapid Diagnostic Tests (RDT dipstick tests) for malaria do not reliably detect knowlesi malaria which was discovered in humans after the RDT tests were developed. For now in resource poor areas, microscopic analysis followed by molecular testing where available is the only way to detect knowlesi malaria. Clinical research continues for a RDT test that can be employed areas with poor laboratory resources.

Infections have now been confirmed in all of the countries of southeast Asia. Between 2000 and 2011, 881 cases of local P. knowlesi local transmission have been identified in Borneo, with only 8 cases of P. malariae.  It is now suspected that past diagnoses of P. malariae in the region were actually P. knowlesi. Unlike other forms of malaria, P. knowlesi infects more adults than children, although actual infection rates are still not known.

Long-tailed and pig-tailed macaques are the reservoirs for P. knowlesi. In some areas of Malaysia the macaques are around 90% seropositive for malaria, in one study 87% were P. knowlesi. The malaria vector for P. knowlesi and other malarial parasites is Anopheles leucosphyrus group which is also concentrated in southeastern Asia.  Anopheles balabacensis is the most efficient vector, capable of transmitting P. knowlesi from monkey-to-human, human-to-human and human-to-monkey. A. latens, on the other hand, has been most commonly indicated as the vector to humans in Borneo, where it feeds in the high elevation canopy.  As the map below shows, the macacque reservoir and the mosquito vectors are limited to  the islands and peninsulas south-east Asia. It has been hypothesized, based on genetic diversity, that P. knowlesi has caused human malaria as long as  humans, macaques and the Anopheles vectors have all been on the islands of south-east Asia.

Source:
Source: Singh, B., & Daneshvar, C. (2013). Human Infections and Detection of Plasmodium knowlesi. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 26(2), 165–184. doi:10.1128/CMR.00079-12

Difficulty in diagnosis has made it made it challenging to study the full spectrum of knowlesi malaria across the population. What studies have been done show that it produces a full spectrum of malarial disease from mild to fatal. Most cases reported to-date are in adult males, making an occupational exposure a significant possibility.

Symptoms are representative of other malarial infections: fever, chills and rigor, headache, along with a cough, abdominal pain and diarrhea. Gastrointestinal symptoms correlate with high levels of the parasite in the blood. Thrombocytopenia (low platelet counts) is the most common clinical finding and more severe than in either vivax or falciparum malaria, while anemia appears to be mild in knowlesi malaria. In the few pediatric cases that have been observed, they all responded to anti-malarial therapy. In the few cases of severe disease reported, abdominal symptoms have been so severe in some that malaria was not initially suspected. Acute Respiratory Distress Syndrome (ARDS) has been reported in about 50% of severe cases and acute renal failure in approximately 40%. There have not yet been enough confirmed cases of knowlesi malaria to accurately determine the case fatality rate. Although it appears to respond to a wide range of anti-malarial drugs, an optimized treatment based on a sufficient number of cases was not yet available in 2013.

The discovery of Plasmodium knowlesi in humans comes in the context of increasingly successful control of vivax and falciparum malaria in southeastern Asia. Some of the latest epidemiology from Malaysia suggest that 50-60% of the cases of malaria are now knowlesi. There are fears that knowlesi will jeopardize regional malaria elimination efforts. Is the rate really increasing or is it only apparent as levels of falciparum and vivax decrease? Does a real increase represent an opening niche for knowlesi as vivax and falciparum decrease? Only time and more data will answer our questions.

Primary Reference:

Singh, B., & Daneshvar, C. (2013). Human Infections and Detection of Plasmodium knowlesi. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 26(2), 165–184. doi:10.1128/CMR.00079-12

For additional epidemiology from Malaysia:

Yusof, R., Lau, Y. L., Mahmud, R., Fong, M. Y., Jelip, J., Ngian, H. U., et al. (2014). High proportion of knowlesi malaria in recent malaria cases in Malaysia, Malaria Journal 13(1), 1–9. doi:10.1186/1475-2875-13-168

William, T., Jelip, J., Menon, J., Anderios, F., Mohammad, R., Mohammad, T. A. A., et al. (2014). Changing epidemiology of malaria in Sabah, Malaysia: increasing incidence of Plasmodium knowlesi, Malaria Journal 13(1), 1–11. doi:10.1186/1475-2875-13-390

Expanding the Historical Plague Paradigm

When the first complete genomic sequence of Yersinia pestis was published on October 4, 2001 the world was naturally focused elsewhere, on anthrax bioterrorism — the Amerithrax incident was then in its second week– and the September 11 attacks were just over three weeks old. As the world redeveloped bioterrorism assessments and plans, plague was placed on lists along with anthrax, smallpox and yes, ebola as agents of national security concern and response.  Although plague produced more annual cases than most agents on the category A bioterrorism list, it was placed on the list primarily based on its historical reputation and past attempts to weaponize it (also based on its reputation). Yet, in 2001 there was a fierce debate ranging among historians and others on whether Yersinia pestis was the agent of the Black Death at all.

It would take another ten years before genomics would revolutionize our understanding of the historical plague. On October 12, 2011 the first draft sequence of an ancient plague genome was published. Finally, adding to the detection of Yersinia pestis DNA tests previously done on remains, the draft sequence isolated from the East Smithfield Black Death cemetery in London solidified consensus that Yersinia pestis is the agent of the Black Death pandemic.  Meanwhile, the phylogenetic tree of Yersinia pestis had been constructed based on the genetic sequence of isolates from all over the globe. Ancient and modern Yersinia pestis genomes were opening a new window into the history of the species.

As fundamental as genomic analysis is to the new understanding of historical plague, it is a skeleton of data that is open to many different historical interpretations. Science can’t adequately explain the historic plague epidemics alone; it takes historical context. In the inaugural double issue of The Medieval Globe,  Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death (open access) begins this process. The eleven articles in this issue take the genetic identification of Yersinia pestis  as the agent of the Black Death as foundational and integrate modern biological and epidemiological information into a new global Old World assessment of the history of the Black Death and subsequent epidemics. Each of these articles lays the groundwork for future interdisciplinary work between historians, anthropologists, biologists, epidemiologists and others.

In my own contribution to this issue, “The Black Death and the Future of the Plague” I discuss why plague is still important in the modern world and for our future. Plague has played an integral role in the development of the re-emerging infectious diseases paradigm and is an agent of biosecurity concern. I review the current state of plague around the world, what we have learned about plague epidemiology and transmission, and how it can be applied to historic epidemics. I also make my case for why the study of the entire history of plague is uniquely important and why the sciences and humanities must move forward together.  I hope we can engage in a discussion on these issues here in the comments section, on twitter or by email.

My own interest and awareness of the issues surrounding the study of the plague was transformed when I had the great fortune to be invited by Monica Green to participate in a session at the American Historical Association annual meeting in New Orleans, January 2013. The group of plague scholars gathered there has largely remained in contact and expanded our network into an informal working group that has enriched all of our scholarship.  No one can become fully conversant with all of the disciplines involved in the study of even one epidemic, much less the entire history of the plague.  Working in disciplinary seclusion will not produce a satisfying paradigm or widespread consensus. It takes work, patience and some tolerance of how other disciplines work, but I have found it to always be worth it. I hope you will agree.

Some references for the milestones mentioned:

Parkhill, J., Wren, B. W., Thomson, N. R., Titball, R. W., Holden, M. T., Prentice, M. B., et al. (2001). Genome sequence of Yersinia pestis, the causative agent of plague. Nature, 413(6855), 523–527. doi:10.1038/35097083

Morelli, G., Song, Y., Mazzoni, C. J., Eppinger, M., Roumagnac, P., Wagner, D. M., et al. (2010). Yersinia pestis genome sequencing identifies patterns of global phylogenetic diversity. Nature Genetics, 1–20. doi:10.1038/ng.705

Little, L. K. (2011). Plague Historians in Lab Coats. Past & Present, 213(1), 267–290. doi:10.1093/pastj/gtr014

Bos, K. I., Schuenemann, V. J., Golding, G. B., Burbano, H. A., Waglechner, N., Coombes, B. K., et al. (2011). A draft genome of Yersinia pestis from victims of the Black Death. Nature, 1–5. doi:10.1038/nature10549

Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death. Edited by Monica Green. The Medieval Globe, 1 (1), 2014.

Autumn Reading

Autumn 2014

So much for my plan to do monthly reading updates. I think quarterly might be more feasible. It seems like the fall has flown by and was not as productive as I would have liked. Isn’t that always the way?

So I’m currently working my way through Cameron’s Anglo-Saxon Medicine and then next up will be the brand new second edition of Mitchell’s A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641.

Books finished:
  • Matilda Holmes, Animals in Saxon and Scandinavian England: Backbones of Economy and Society. Sidestone press, 2014 (reviewed here)
  • Prokopius, The Secret History and Related Texts. Anthony Kaldellis, ed. Hackett, 2010.
  • David Quammen. Ebola: A Natural and Human History of a Deadly Virus. 2014. (excerpted, adapted and updated from his Spillover)
Notable Papers
  • Setzer, T. J. (2014). Malaria detection in the field of paleopathology: A meta-analysis of the state of the art. Acta Tropica, 140, 97–104. doi:10.1016/j.actatropica.2014.08.010 (summarized here)
  • Christina Lee. (2014). Invisible enemies: the role of epidemics in the shaping of historical events in the early medieval period in. Social Dimensions of Medieval Disease and Disability, 1–17.
  • Sallares, R. (2006). Role of environmental changes in the spread of malaria in Europe during the Holocene. Quaternary International, 150(1), 21–27. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2006.01.005
  • Sallares, R., Bouwman, A., & Anderung, C. (2004). The spread of malaria to Southern Europe in antiquity: new approaches to old problems. Medical History, 48(3), 311–328.
  • Collins, W. E., & Jeffery, G. M. (2007). Plasmodium malariae: Parasite and Disease. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 20(4), 579–592. doi:10.1128/CMR.00027-07
  • Schreg, Rainer. (2014) “Ecological Approaches in Medieval Rural Archaeology” European Journal of Archaeology, 17 (1), 83-119.
  • Flaherty, E. (2014). Assessing the distribution of social–ecological resilience and risk: Ireland as a case study of the uneven impact of famine. Ecological Complexity, 19, 35–45. doi:10.1016/j.ecocom.2014.04.002
  • SHARPE, W. D., &  Isidore of Seville. (1964). Isidore of Seville: the Medical Writings. An English Translation with an Introduction and Commentary. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, 54(2), 1–75.
  • Carter, R., & Mendis, K. N. (2002). Evolutionary and Historical Aspects of the Burden of Malaria. Clinical Microbiology Reviews, 15(4), 564–594. doi:10.1128/CMR.15.4.564-594.2002
I’ve also spent quite a bit of time this autumn reading the pre-print editions of the contributions to Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death edited by Monica Green in the inaugural edition of The Medieval Globe, which I’m honored to be a contributor to. Watch this space for more news on this special issue very soon.