Category Archives: Germany

Plague in 6th century Aschheim and Altenerding, Bavaria

Since I last wrote about Bavaria, the aDNA centers have been busy. With the accepted manuscript of the second new paper available this past week, its time for an update. The fourth paper on Aschheim not only confirmed the first three, but it also produced the first full genome of Yersinia pestis for the Plague of Justinian (Wagner et al, 2014). This paper also confirmed the Bavarian strain’s placement in the phylogeny of Y. pestis. The availability of the first full genome will primarily be important for comparison to newly discovered samples from elsewhere. Using newer technology, the newest paper refined some of the Aschheim sequence and produced a full genome of Y. pestis from a woman buried at Altenerding, about 20 km from Aschheim (Feldman et al, 2016). Radiocarbon dating from both sites places the epidemic in the mid-sixth century; it can not differentiate which specific epidemic ‘wave’.  The Altenerding epidemic was from the same Y. pestis lineage as Aschheim proving that this was a regional epidemic, possibly the same epidemic event. The phylogeny for the first pandemic is still based on a single epidemic from one geographic region, so the time is not yet ripe to use the phylogeny to tell inform us on the transmission or route of the pandemic.

6th cent Bavaria
Map of Roman Bavaria showing the Roman roads with Aschheim and Altenerding marked. The half circle/mound mark designates Roman villas. (modified from the Pelagios project)

It is, however,  time to start thinking a little more about the environment of these sites. They are both located on the Munich gravel plain, foreland (foothills) north of the Alps. Aschheim is located closer to the Alps at an elevation of 500 meters with Altenerding 20 km further north at a lower elevation in small valley formed by a tributary of the River Isar. The Roman road running horizontally across the map runs west to Augsburg, the capital of the Roman province of Raetia Secunda and east to the city of Batavia, a colony in the province of Noricum. The road running by Altenerding would take traffic eventually north toward Regensburg (Casta Regina).

Large water feature is Speichersee lake with a man-made 20th century reservoir used to power hydroelectric plants and serve some of the water needs of the Munich region. As far as I can tell, none of this would have been present in the Late Antique period. The River Isar is the green line to the west of both sites. Munich will later be founded where the road crosses the river from monastic land in about 1158. There was nothing special at the river crossing in the sixth century. Although the road crosses the river, there is no indication of a Roman bridge on the map.

Both Aschheim and Altenerding are located in what would have been the province of Raetia II. While they are along Roman roads, this would have been a rural area. Both Aschheim and Altenerding were sites of Roman villas and Dornach near Aschheim was a small settlement. How much of this would have been occupied and further developed (or not) after the Roman army left is unclear. The cemetery at Altenerding is triple the size of Aschheim. Yet, there is reason to think that Aschheim was hit harder by the plague and based on the carbon dates of graves with some molecular plague signal, probably more than once. Michael McCormick (2015:83) suggests that the Aschheim cemetery gathered graves from a dispersed settlement that probably had fewer than 70 people at any one time.

A living history museum in Munich area at Kirchheim has reconstructed typical buildings from the early medieval Merovingian period. Although this area was nominally under Merovingian Frankish hegemony there is little specifically Frankish about the archaeology. They were all wooden construction. Below is a picture of a sunken pit building, an ‘out building’ and a long house.

Reconstruction of 6th-7th century Bavarian buildings at Kirchheim in the Munich district close to Aschheim. (Photo by Leporollo, Wikipedia CC3.0)

Continue to think of the Plague of Justinian in Constantinople and Pelusium, it was surely there. Just remember that most of its geographic spread may have looked more like this picture.


Feldman, M., Harbeck, M., Keller, M., Spyrou, M. A., Rott, A., Trautmann, B., et al. (2016). A high-coverage Yersinia pestis Genome from a 6th-century Justinianic Plague Victim. Molecular Biology and Evolution, 1–31. [Accepted manuscript]

McCormick, M. (2015). Tracking mass death during the fall of Rome’s empire (I). Journal of Roman Archaeology, 28, 325–357.

Wagner, D. M., Klunk, J., Harbeck, M., Devault, A., Waglechner, N., Sahl, J. W., et al. (2014). Yersinia pestis and the Plague of Justinian 541–543 AD: a genomic analysis. The Lancet Infectious Diseases, 14(4), 1–8.

Molecular Confirmation of Yersinia pestis in 6th century Bavaria

Erasing any lingering doubts about the agent of the Plague of Justinian, a group of German biological anthropologists have shown conclusively that Yersinia pestis caused an epidemic in a 6th century Bavarian cemetery at Aschheim. Harbeck et al (2013) provide a convincing refutation of previous theories about the etiologic agent of the Plague of Justinian.   Returning to the same cemetery where plague was previously reported, two independent labs using the most modern standards to prevent contamination confirmed Yersinia pestis from multiple burials within the cemetery making this the best characterized Early Medieval plague cemetery.

The cemetery, called Aschheim, is in Bavaria outside of Munich. It contains the remains of 438 people with an unusually high number of multiple graves but no disordered mass graves. The 19 multiple burials contained two to five individuals arranged in lines. The cemetery was dated archaeologically to 500-700 AD with remains being carbon dated ranging from 530 to 680, all consistent with the 541 pandemic and its aftermath. Harbeck et al (2013) tested 19 individuals from 12 multiple graves. From these, there were eight positive samples, but only one produced enough aDNA to do some SNP genotyping. Added to the previous paper, this makes 11 positive individuals from this cemetery. Given the tenuous survival of aDNA, 11 positive individuals out of 21 tested in the two combined papers is a very good success rate. This is a cemetery that the F1 antigen test would be interesting since it could be used on the entire cemetery without great cost or labor. More sensitive than aDNA, the antigen test could tell us the percentage of plague deaths in the cemetery.

Individual A120 was screened with several SNPs that mapped it to an early region of the phylogenetic tree in the 0.ANT section. This makes the Plague of Justinian isolate ancestral to the Black Death isolates (yellow boxes below) from East Smithfield. This section whose only point of diversity is 0.ANT1 at node 4. Date predictions for the nodes of diversity in the tree fits with the Plague of Justinian falling in this region.  Modern isolates that  form this region of the phylogenetic tree all come from central Asia (around Tibet), suggesting that like the Black Death, the Plague of Justinian also originated in Asia. Overall, everything fits in well with expectations for the first pandemic.

(Harbeck et al, 2013. Fig. 1)
(Harbeck et al, 2013. Fig. 1)


Harbeck M, Seifert L, Hänsch S, Wagner DM, Birdsell D, et al. (2013) Yersinia pestis DNA from Skeletal Remains from the 6th Century AD Reveals Insights into Justinianic Plague. PLoS Pathog 9(5): e1003349. doi:10.1371/journal.ppat.1003349

Wiechmann I, & Grupe G (2005). Detection of Yersinia pestis DNA in two early medieval skeletal finds from Aschheim (Upper Bavaria, 6th century A.D.). American journal of physical anthropology, 126 (1), 48-55 PMID: 15386257

The Dancing Plague of 1518

John Waller. The Dancing Plague: The Strange, True Story of an Extraordinary Illness. Sourcebooks, 2009 (paperback). Previously published as A Time to Dance, A Time to Die: The Extraordinary Story of the Dancing Plague of 1518 (Icon books, hardback, 2008).

Topic: Dancing Mania, choreomania

Time and Place: Strasbourg, Holy Roman Empire, 1518

Audience: General


This was a good book to wrap up 2011 with – from the Arab Spring, to summer revolutions and the fall’s occupy movement – conditions are approaching those of 1518. Among the peasants of Strasbourg, life in the early 16th century had become miserable. The church and monasteries left the peasants spiritually desolate and literally starving while their tithes of grain were sold at prices they couldn’t afford. Poor harvests and high inflation made famine a real possibility. There were several peasant revolts leading up to 1518 that were brutally put down with public executions and massacres. Ancient ties between the nobility, church and common people had broken down such that secular and ecclesiastic office holders no longer seemed to care for the welfare of the common people.

In July 1518 Frau Toffea was outdoors in the street of Strasbourg when she began to dance. There was no music or joy in her dancing. The spectacle soon became horrifying as it became apparent that she could not stop. Eventually she collapsed from the heat and exhaustion. When she woke up, she began to dance again in the same frenzy. Soon other people in Strasbourg began their trance-like dancing ignoring the heat and the need for food and water. When they were able to speak, they begged bystanders to make them stop. Before long in the July heat, people began dropping not to get up again – did they dance to an exhausted death or was there a pathological cause?

The people of Strasbourg didn’t see this as a psychological disorder but either physical or spiritual. At first they turned to the newly respected, university trained physicians who strangely proscribed more dancing as a cure. They assigned people to make sure the afflicted kept dancing even when they were capable of stopping. It became very apparent that this was not helping the death rate. Before long physicians and townspeople agreed that this was a spiritual ailment that required a pilgrimage to the local shrine of St Vitas. Fascinatingly the people believed that a saint patronized by epileptics could/would also curse people to uncontrolled movements like the dancing if they were displeased. Throughout this region of Germany and the Netherlands there are shrines to Vitas and other saints to prevent epilepsy and the dancing plague. Late medieval people greatly feared epilepsy and similar disorders because it could be perceived as demonic possession or a curse (by victim as well as bystander). Waller argues that this was something like a case of spiritual post traumatic stress disorder. His argument is too complicated for me to explain here but it is a worthwhile and thought provoking discussion.

Narrative: B+ The narrative was well written and kept me eager to continue reading. This is no small feat without a central cast of characters to follow through the book. He tries to use Frau Troffea as a continuing theme but just doesn’t have enough information to really flesh out her life.  There were places that I wished for more scientific context. I wish he had not saved so much of the science for the last chapter.

Historical Content: A- This is not a time period that I am very familiar so it is hard to assess how well he covered the historical questions. While he discussed actions of the church, he apparently didn’t have sources from within the church. This seems strange as the church usually has better resources than secular courts. The discussion of the religious context was good and mostly from the lay viewpoint.

Scientific Content: B-/C+ He seems to be reaching too far in some of the psychological parallels he tries to draw to the choreomania (dancing plague). Practices that intentionally create trances or mystical dancing are not good matches to the unintentional and unwanted dancing in 1518. The contagious nature of the dancing of 1518 is based at least partially upon the fear of the mania. Waller describes all mystical experiences in terms of pathology, which seems unwarranted. His brief discussion of an outbreak of uncontrollable laughing in Tanzania in 1963 left me wanting to know more (p. 216). A recent Ugandan outbreak of “nodding syndrome” where youths display uncontrollable nodding when they try to eat has been associated with a parasite that causes river blindness. In all three outbreaks, these may be related to epileptic-like behavior. My point here is that we can’t jump to the conclusion that initial cases are all psychological, even if some of the contagious nature does seem psychological (people being effected by watching etc).

I also have to take issue with a reviewers quote the publisher put on the back of the book. A quote from New Scientist stated “It’s a book to make you grateful for the historical increase in human sanity.” Part of the author’s argument is that manifestations of stress and PTSD are culturally dependent and that we express stress differently today. When we consider how many people today take medication for anxiety/stress, depression, PTSD or other psychological conditions it is questionable if there has been a “historical increase in human sanity” – not that manifestations of stress are necessarily measures of sanity anyway.

References and Usability: B The bibliography and notes are integrated together. This makes the bibliography much more difficult to use. The notes are consecutively numbered for the entire book and were a little sparse.  There are 238 notes for 231 pages of text. There were plenty of places I would have liked to have seen that he had a reference for a fact.

Illustrations:  B The maps and illustrations included were okay. It could have used a map of the local Strasbourg area that included the shrine of St Vitas.

Overall, I did enjoy the book and it is a very interesting episode in medical history. Community reaction to the outbreak is as interesting and influential as the disorder itself.  The power of the brain is almost always underestimated. Even if it wasn’t completely psychological, it manifested in ways that were surely under the control of the brain.

A tangent:  one of my favorite quotes from Waller’s book is not on the dancing mania at all. “Syphilis was the flagellum Dei, God’s whip, a stark warning about the sinfulness of adultery and fornication.” If it was the flagellum Dei before the invention of the microscope, imagine how they would have reacted to seeing a spirochete!