Category Archives: bioarchaeology

Grandes Chroniques de France The Death of Saint Louis.

The Schistosoma in the Reliquary

The 800th anniversary of the birth of Saint Louis, King of France, in 2014 provided an opportunity to obtain a sample of his relics for “scientific identification”. With all relics the chain of custody and its backstory are critical for evaluation. Most of Louis’ relics held in the Basilica of Saint-Denis  were destroyed during the religious violence of  sixteenth century Paris. Fortunately the process of preserving and transferring Louis home to France from the site of death on crusade in Tunis, North Africa left bits of him in several locations.  Part of the preservation process used at the time removed his intestines and other internal organs to be embalmed separately while the remainder of the body was boiled to clean the bones to return to Paris. The bones were enshrined in Paris, while the heart and some viscera were enshrined at the abbey of Monreale near Palermo by his brother Charles, King of Sicily, who oversaw the preparation of the body and its transport back to France.

San_Domenico47
13th century Reliquary of Saint Louis, Basicilla of St. Dominic, Bologna Italy. (Source: Photo of Georges Jansoone, public domain on Wikipedia)

During a stop over at Bologna en route to Lyon and then Paris, some of his viscera were removed and interned in the Basilica of Saint Dominic. In 1297 Louis, who had died on 25 August 1270, was officially canonized as Saint Louis of France.  A portion of these visceral relics were given for the consecration of the cathedral of Turin in 1895, and these were transferred to the cathedral of Versailles in 1985. It is from this visceral relic that the 2 g specimen was obtained for scientific evaluation.

Microscopic Examination

The plan is to do a full “medical and forensic anthropological analysis” of the remains. The first result released by Phillipe Charlier’s team is the discovery of a semicircular parasite viewed by Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) analysis, identified as a male Schistosoma based on its size and morphology.  Schistomsoma are a sexually dimorphic flat worm, also known as a blood fluke, that inhabit the capillaries of the abdomen (mesentery or bladder plexus depending on species) and release their eggs into either feces or urine. The eggs hatch in fresh water and must pass through a fresh water snail before emerging as larvae that can inhabit a mammalian host. Only about 50% of the eggs produced actually exit the body.  The adult worms and eggs that do not reach the feces or urine can cause extensive inflammation resulting in granulomas and fibrosis (scar tissue) to the abdominal organs (liver, spleen, intestines, bladder) and the blood vessels of the abdomen causing an accumulation of fluid in the peritoneal cavity.  Eggs that do breach into the lumen of the intestine cause chronic blood loss into the lumen producing chronic bloody stools. In the worst cases the blood loss can cause anemia.

Saint Louis
Source: Charlier, Bouchet, Weil & Bonnet, 2015.

Compare to a SEM preparation of a modern (non-mummified) male Schistosoma:

800px-Schistosoma_20041-300
A C-shaped male schistosoma; the smaller female resides in the canal. (Source: David Williams, Illinois State University made public domain, Wikipedia)

King Louis had not been in Tunis long enough for him to contracted schistosomiasis upon his arrival only a month before his death. When and where he contracted the flat worm infestation is open to more speculation.  Schistosoma have been observed in archaeological remains of one individual from 9th century France, but have not yet been commonly observed. Charlier et al. (2015) suggest that Louis’ previous crusade in North Africa between 1250 and 1254, spending some time imprisoned in Damietta, Egypt, is the most likely period for start of the infection. If this is true, then Louis would have had a chronic infection for about 20 years at the time of his death. Charlier’s team do not believe that Schistosomiasis contributed to his death.

So far they have not observed any other parasites in the sample. This is not necessarily surprising considering that they have not yet identified the anatomic source of the specimen. It is not possible to even guess at the anatomic source from the crumbling, blackened specimen pictured in their study (fig. 1). Their analysis is continuing.

Debating Saint Louis’ Cause of Death

As soon as the schistosoma report was published, the debate on the cause of Louis’ death began in the letters of Forensic Science, Medicine and Pathology (where the report was published). So lets begin with the best account of Louis’ death, and go from there.

Beyond skirmishing and entrenching the camp nothing was done, as King Louis was awaiting the arrival of his brother Charles of Anjou (now King of Sicily). Whilst they were waiting encamped, John Tristan fell sick, and died on board one of the ships on August 3rd. A few days later the Legate also died and many other persons, some of fever, some of dysentery. Philip, the King’s eldest son, fell sick with fever; and the King was taken with dysentery (the complaint to which he nearly succumbed in his first Crusade) and died on August 25th. (Guillaume de Nangis account in the Memoirs of Lord Joinville, Book 4, Ch. 4)

Strangely, the plague has traditionally been claimed as Louis’ cause of death. This is completely unfounded since the Black Death will not bring epidemic Yersinia pestis back to the Mediterranean for another 77 years! There is nothing in the account above to suggest plague. This has rightly been dismissed as Louis’ cause of death.

Eric Faure wrote a letter arguing that malaria was a possible cause based on reports of Louis’ history of tertian fevers dating back to the 1242. Faure suggests that Louis went on his first crusade in thanksgiving for surviving “cerebral malaria with a coma” after a relapse in 1244. Cerebral malaria is usually caused by Plasmodium falciparum, which is not a chronic (relapse causing) infection. If Louis suffered relapses of malaria contracted in France then it was most likely Plasmodium vivax, which rarely causes cerebral malaria. Whether or not Louis had cerebral malaria in the 1240s, this doesn’t really inform of his his health in 1270.  Faure also notes that some of the men on Louis’ last crusade had intermittent fevers suggestive of malaria. Faure reaches too far suggesting that the dysentery was a symptom of malaria. Gastrointestinal symptoms are possible but rare in malaria and usually then in children. Philippe Charlier responded with a letter dismissing Faure’s suggestion to look for Plasmodium in the remains, because they would not have caused Louis’ death. Following the report in Lord Joinville’s memoir (quoted above), Charlier reports in his letter that his team is now looking for evidence of bacteria, viruses or amoeba in the embalmed “intestines” that are more likely to be the cause of the “dysenteric syndrome” reported in “Louis and his court”.

I will be watching for the final report, but the idea of a single enteric pathogen being the cause of death may not really represent reality. Based on Joinville’s memoir is appears that the “court” was suffering from a variety of camp diseases found in most medieval armies on prolonged campaigns. In such a situation, co-infection is highly likely particularly with chronic parasites. Indeed, Louis was probably not the only one in camp with schistosomiasis lingering from previous travels.  Although I doubt malaria caused Louis’ dysentery, it is quite possible he was suffering from chronic malaria and that it contributed to weakening his health, making him more susceptible to other pathogens. Indeed co-infection with Schistosoma and Plasmosdium could have made him quite anemic.  It would still be worth knowing if Louis had an active malaria infection, even if Shigella or another enteric pathogen was the primary cause of death.

References:

Charlier, P., Bouchet, F., Weil, R., & Bonnet, B. (Oct. 2015). Schistosomiasis in the mummified viscera of Saint-Louis (1270 AD). Forensic Science, Medicine, and Pathology, 1–2. http://doi.org/10.1007/s12024-015-9722-4

Faure, E. (Dec. 2015). The infections of Saint-Louis: possible involvement of malaria.[Letter]  Forensic Science, Medicine, and Pathology, 1–1. http://doi.org/10.1007/s12024-015-9732-2

Charlier, P. (2016). Neither plague nor malaria, but dysentery as a cause of death for St. Louis. [Letter]  Forensic Science, Medicine, and Pathology, 1–1. http://doi.org/10.1007/s12024-015-9738-9

The Memoirs of Lord Joinvilletranslated by Ethel Wedgwood, E-text. University of Virginia library

Louis IV of France, Wikipedia.

WHO fact sheet: Schistosomiasis

Schistosoma, Wikipedia

Michael Walsh, Schistosomiasis on the Infection Landscapes blog. See this page for the best description of the medical effects of schistosomiasis.

Human Parasites of the Roman Empire

Last week photos of Roman toilets were splashed across the web breaking the news that the Romans were not a healthy as most people seem to have assumed. As with many public health interventions, the real value of a sanitation system is out of view (and out of mind) to most people. Its not the toilet that keeps us healthy; its the water treatment plant. Plumbing just moves waste with its microbes and parasites from one place to another.

Paleoparasitology specialist Piers Mitchell put the Roman public health system to the test by evaluating the evidence for human parasites in archaeological remains from before, during and after the Roman Empire. Comparisons before and after the empire are more difficult in North Africa and the Middle East because these areas had long standing sophisticated civilizations before the Roman empire. There is more clarity between civilizations in Europe since Celtic and Germanic societies did not have anything like Roman infrastructure. Contrary to his expectations, there were just as many parasites and ectoparasites in the Roman era as before or after.  In some cases the empire helped spread parasites across Europe. Relative amounts of parasites across times is difficult to ascertain for a huge variety of reasons. So while the same parasites were present, the degree of infestation would have varied by place and time period, and archaeology can’t reliably predict this.

The Roman achilles’ heel was their use of human waste for fertilizer and fecal contamination of rivers.  Human waste was added to the other manure and redistributed to farm fields and the watershed. What they could not have understood is that human waste is a greater risk for the transmission of human parasites and bacterial diseases. Mitchell also suggests that Roman bath water, that was rarely changed, could have transmitted worm eggs and other parasites. Aquaducts did bring in cleaner water to some of the larger cities but the system could be contaminated and not all Roman sites had access to water from aquaducts. Walter Scheidel (2015:8) has claimed that the city of Rome itself was an example of the”urban graveyard” effect with a very unhealthy population despite having a “heavily subsidized food and water supply”. Scheidel emphasizes the impact of malaria and gastrointestinal disease. We should also keep in mind that a large proportion of gastrointestinal disease would have been bacterial or viral.

still_life_tor_marancia_vatican
Second century Roman mosaic of foodstuffs

As the mosaic to the left shows, the Romans did change agriculture throughout the empire. They spread Mediterranean preferences for cereals and more fish and other aquatic food sources. Mitchell suggests that the Roman love for fish products, especially the fermented fish sauce garum, probably help spread fish tapeworms found throughout the empire. Many parasites and bacterial spores have evolved to withstand preserving methods like smoking, pickling, and osmotic preservation (like salting or sugaring).  Whipworm was the most common parasite found, but round worms and tape worms were also common. Lancet liver flukes were widespread and indicate the (presumably accidental) consumption of ants.  Antibody based detection (ELISA) has been able to identify Entamoeba histolytica that causes the usually endemic amoebic dysentery (as opposed to the epidemic bacterial dysentery caused by Shigella species). Although not strictly speaking parasites, Mitchell notes an abundance of evidence for flies around cesspits suggesting that they contributed to the spread of diseases associated with fecal contamination. He also notes that schistosomiasis has not been identified in Roman Europe, even though it has been found in medieval European remains.

Turning to ectoparasites, Mitchell found ample evidence of head lice, body lice, public lice, human fleas and bed bugs across the Romanized world. Human fleas (pulex irritans) have been particularly well preserved in Roman, Anglo-Scandinavian and medieval York in Britain. Mitchell notes that human fleas and body lice were present in over 50 archaeological layers at York. He concludes that “the Roman habit of washing in public baths does not seem to have decreased their risk of contracting ectoparasites, compared with Viking and Medieval people who did not use public baths in the same way” (Mitchell 2016: 6). Mitchell suggests that there were enough ectoparasites to support particularly lice transmitted diseases. He notes that Plague of Justinian was transmitted by fleas but is non-committal on the likely specific vector.

In examining the impact of the Roman empire, Mitchell notes that the transition from a wide variety of zoonotic parasites to those primarily associated with human fecal contamination had already occurred before the Roman expansion out of Italy. This shift is paralleled elsewhere and is tied to shift from hunter-gathers to settled agriculture. Whipworm, roundworm and amoebic dysentery were the primary parasites of Roman Europe, while the Romans seem to have made a lesser impact on North Africa and the Middle East where endemic zones of parasites were well established.

Malaria is the one parasitic disease I would have liked to see Mitchell discuss more. Mitchell notes that malarial aDNA has been found in Egypt and anemia possibly caused by malaria in Italy. He overlooks all the malaria work by Robert Sallares including malarial aDNA from Late Roman Italy and better anemia studies correlating with malaria have been done in Italy and Britain by Rebecca Gowland’s group. Yet, malaria is such a big topic that it would be hard to cover along with all the other parasites.

References:

Mitchell, P. D. (2016). Human parasites in the Roman World: health consequences of conquering an empire. Parasitology, 1–11. http://doi.org/10.1017/S0031182015001651

Scheidel, W. (2015). Death and the City: Ancient Rome and Beyond. Available at SSRN 2609651.

See also:

Hall, A., & Kenward, H. (2015). Sewers, Cesspits, and middens: a survey of the evidence of 2000 years of waste disposal in York, UK. In P. D. Mitchell (Ed.), Sanitation, latrines and intestinal parasites in past populations (pp. 99–120).

A Migration Age Anglo-Saxon Leper

Paleomicrobiology and isotopic analysis has the ability to completely change what we know of past infectious diseases. A study published this month on a fifth century Anglo-Saxon skeleton is one of the most complete I have read.

Lesions on skeletons found at Great Chesterfield in Essex, England, suggested possible leprosy. To confirm this diagnosis, they chose one skeleton that is nearly complete and in good shape for further analysis.

Grave GC86 from Great Chesterford, excavated in a rescue archaeology operation in 1953-4.
Grave GC86 from Great Chesterford, excavated in a rescue archaeology operation in 1953-4. (Inskip et al, 2015)

The skeleton (GC96) shown to the right is of a 25 to 35-year-old male buried in modestly furnished grave in an area of the cemetery with other visibly disabled people. Radiocarbon dating places these remains at AD 415-545, and thus Migration Age for the Anglo-Saxons. The Great Chesterford cemetery is located roughly in an approximate border area between the kingdom of the East Saxons and East Angles at the site of a ford of the River Cam (or Granta) downriver from Cambridge. He was buried with a slender knife secured by a belt with an oval buckle. Over his left shoulder, a spear and a conical ferrule were found.  Lesions consistent with lepromatous leprosy were found on the lower legs with extensive remodeling of the right foot. A bronze shoelace tag found near the right foot suggests the diseased foot covered with a shoe.  Given the lesions found on the foot and lower legs, the ferrule may have capped a walking staff. His facial bones were missing losing a common, distinctive site of leprosy lesions. The disorganized and rough appearance of new bone growth suggest that the lesion was active at the time of death.

Profile of the mycolic acids extracted from the indicated bones.
Profile of the mycolic acids extracted from the indicated bones. (Inskip et al, 2015)

Selections of bone were taken and powdered to extract aDNA and for lipid analysis. Mycobacterium species that cause leprosy and tuberculosis have distinctive lipid profiles that have been successfully extracted and identified by archaeological remains in the past. Their analysis of lipids from the bones confirmed the presence of Mycobacterium leprae and excluded the presence of Mycobacterium tuberculosis.  The aDNA analysis confirmed identified the presence of Mycobacterium leprae strain 3I-1, that has been previously found in later medieval England, Denmark and Sweden. Inskip et al (2015) suggest a possible Scandinavian origin for the strain.  The VNTR analysis used to produce ‘genetic fingerprints’ shows that this strain of M. leprae is unique among other ancient isolates and should be useful in the comparative analysis of other early remains. Other remains in the same cemetery have similar lesions and will be investigated in the future.

Isotopic analysis of his tooth enamel provide an indication of childhood location and adult nutrition. Carbon analysis showed a diet of primarily C3 plants, consistent with southern Britain. Analysis of oxygen and strontium isotopes suggest he did not spend his childhood in the area of Great Chesterford.

The combination of the two isotopes gives his best probable origin to be between north-central France and the north-central Germany, in other words, the region of the Anglo-Saxon homeland. A continental origin coupled with the dating range between 415 and 545 suggests that he was part of the migration of the peoples who later called themselves Anglo-Saxons. He was likely no more Scandinavian than any of the other migration era ‘English’. This is further supported by a relatively high level of leprosy (by osteological analysis) in medieval city of Schleswig, the very area where the Angles are most specifically located. Further analysis of migration era remains should refine the origins of this strain of leprosy and determine its frequency.

Reference:

Inskip, S. A., Taylor, G. M., Zakrzewski, S. R., Mays, S. A., Pike, A. W. G., Llewellyn, G., et al. (2015). Osteological, Biomolecular and Geochemical Examination of an Early Anglo-Saxon Case of Lepromatous Leprosy. PLoS ONE, 10(5), e0124282. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0124282.s001

Kristina Killgrove, 14 May 2015 “Earliest Case of Leprosy in Britain reveals Scandinavian Origins of the Disease”, Forbes.com

SIMON MAYS, SONIA R. ZAKRZEWSKI, SARAH A. INSKIP, STEPHANIE WRIGHT and JOANNA R. SOFAER. (2015) Anglo-Saxon concepts of dis/ability: placing disease at Great Chesterford in its wider context. Poster at The 84th Annual Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists.