Rinderpest, Measles and Medieval Emerging Infectious Diseases

Some diseases seem like they should have always been with us. It has long been thought that measles was one of those with a pedigree stretching back into the depths of Antiquity, as soon as people were living in a high enough concentration to maintain a virus that needs a constant supply of human hosts.   A recent study by Yuki Furuse, Akira Suzuki, and Hitoshi Oshitani shows us that this is not the case.

All circulating strains of measles (MeV) have a common ancestor from the early 20th century. This says a lot about the global spread and need for constant naive human hosts of measles. Furuse, Suzuki and Oshitani went in search of measles previous last common ancestor with its most closely related virus Rinderpest (RPV), a cattle virus. Rinderpest was once a catastrophic disease wiping out cattle herds and causing human famines. The economic and human costs were so great that countries around the world successfully united to drive it into extinction. In 2010, the United Nations officially declared Rinderpest extinct in global livestock herds. What does it say about our priorities that Rinderpest is extinct and measles outbreaks are still occurring in the US?  While measles cases are dropping globally it is far from gone. In 2009, about 400 children were dying per day from measles, according to the World Health Organization.


Furuse, Suzuki and Oshitani (2010) collected DNA sequences for the hemagglutinin (H) and nucleocapsid (N) genes of the measles virus (MeV), and rinderpest (RPV) with the sequence for peste des pestitis rumninants virus being used to define the divergence point. I’m not an expert in the molecular clock models used so I can’t critique that aspect. Their molecular clock setting predicted 1916 (H gene)/1921 (N gene) as the last common ancestor point for MeV, close to previous estimates, and 1171 (N gene) / 1074 (H gene) for the divergence point with Rinderpest (RPV). Furuse, Suzuki and Oshitani (2010) therefore place the emergence of the Measles virus to between the 11th and 12th century.

Bayesian estimates of divergence time for the N gene. ©2010 Furuse et al; licensee BioMed Central Ltd.

Measles evolved in a context where humans and cattle were closely associated. Models predict that the  measles virus requires a naive (non-immune) human population of 250,000-500,000. These conditions were possible since prehistory in the Middle East. According to Furuse, Suzuki and Oshitani, the earliest “measles-like syndrome” was described in the 9th century by Abu Becr, also called Rhazes, and identifiable measles epidemics began to be recorded in the 11th to 12th century. They note that the ancestral virus before the divergence probably could infect both humans and cattle, though its symptoms may have been significantly different. The modifications that finally made measles a human-only virus should have given it significant boost in virulence.  Measles is highly contagious with a Ro of 15 (meaning each  person with measles infects on average 15 others). Malnourished children are known to have fatality rates around 40% (Crawford, 2007)  If an early medieval emergence holds up, then measles would have been a primary emerging infectious disease between the two major plague pandemics (5th-8th century and 14th century onwards).

ResearchBlogging.org
Furuse Y, Suzuki A, & Oshitani H (2010). Origin of measles virus: divergence from rinderpest virus between the 11th and 12th centuries. Virology journal, 7 PMID: 20202190

Crawford, DH. (2007) Deadly Companions: How Microbes Shaped Our History. Oxford University Press.

WHO factsheet on Measles

Insights into the pathogenesis of the Spanish Flu

ResearchBlogging.orgThis post was chosen as an Editor's Selection for ResearchBlogging.org

One of the enduring mysteries of influenza is why the 1918 H1N1 influenza, better known as the Spanish Flu, was so unusually deadly. The 2009 H1N1 influenza was certainly capable of creating a pandemic but was not nearly as deadly. Granted most of the fatalities in 1918 had bacterial pneumonia that could probably have been cured today. However, the incidence of fatal viral pneumonia appears to have been much higher in 1918. This viral pneumonia was reported to cause “massive acute pulmonary hemorrhage or pulmonary edema”.

New techniques in reverse genetics have allowed two groups, one from the CDC and the other from Japan, to recreate the 1918 virus. This allows either the whole 1918 virus or specific genes or genetic segments to be directly tested on animals.

Contemporary H1N1 influenza viruses infect the upper airways only. The reconstructed 1918 H1N1 virus creates an intense infection in the lungs of non-human primates that culminated in acute respiratory failure and death. Necropsy results have shown extensive pulmonary edema and hemorrhages not found in animals infected with contemporary H1N1 viruses. Microarray analysis showed that the 1918 virus infected animals mounted a strong but atypical innate immune response.

So what is it about the 1918 H1N1 influenza virus that increases its virulence and triggers such a strong but atypical immune response?

Its been known for some time that the hemagglutinin (HA) gene –responsible for host cell selection and membrane fusion — is critical for the high virulence of the avian viruses. The 1918 H1N1 virus lacks the specific motif identified on the avian HA gene that has been attributed to its virulence. When the 1918 HA gene is added to an otherwise contemporary H1N1 virus, it produced a high lung titer causing severe lung damage in mice with infiltration by neutrophils and alveolar macrophages. The results were similar to the whole reconstructed 1918 H1N1 virus. The exact portion of the HA gene that is critical for its virulence is yet to be determined. It is not very surprising that a viral spike responsible for host cell binding and fusion is involved in expanding the target tissue to the lungs.

The role of the 1918 viral RNA polymerase complex in viral repication. (click to enlarge, from Watanabe & Kawaoka, 2011)

The viral RNA polymerase complex has also been implicated in the high  virulence of the 1918 virus. Unlike contemporary influenza viruses, the 1918 virus replicates in the nasal cavity but also along the trachea and within the lungs. As you can see in the figure to the left, the hybrid virus containing the 1918 RNA polymerase complex and NP gene  (PA, PB1, PB2, and NP genes) and the remainder from a contemporary H1N1 virus replicated in the same tissues as the complete 1918 virus. The contemporary H1N1 virus replicated only in the upper respiratory system. Here we have replication of the hybrid virus without the 1918 HA gene replicating in the lungs. Clearly more research is required to reconcile the HA and RNA polymerase complex results.

Other genes have been implicated in increasing the effectiveness of the 1918 virus but the results are more vague.  The availability to reconstruct all or part of the 1918 H1N1 virus along with the 2009 H1N1 pandemic virus and contemporary drifted H1N1 viruses should mean that we will be able to eventually unravel some of the mysteries of influenza but there is still a long road ahead.

References:

Watanabe, T., & Kawaoka, Y. (2011). Pathogenesis of the 1918 Pandemic Influenza Virus PLoS Pathogens, 7 (1) DOI: 10.1371/journal.ppat.1001218

This review paper is freely available here.

Pandemic Influenza: 1510 – 2010

1890 Influenza cartoon

My first clue on the existence of specific influenza pandemics before 1918 came a few years ago while reading some local newspapers on the Spanish Flu itself. The papers were warning people that this was not an ordinary flu year, it would be like 1893! The papers referred to 1893 in the same way that we refer to 1918 today. Since then I’ve been intrigued by the 1889-1893 ‘Russian flu’. Yet the Spanish flu of 1918 so dominates publications on influenza pandemics that it has not been easy to find information.

So how do we identify a historic pandemic flu from seasonal flu or a bad cold virus? Morens, Taubenberger, Folkers, and Fauci (2010) have outlined three basic criteria: 1) the standard influenza symptoms (fever, chest congestion, fatigue, body aches, and cough), 2) explosive transmission and directional movement along trade routes, and 3) high morbidity but low mortality. Influenza pandemics kill many people by infecting huge numbers so that a low mortality rate still amounts to many fatalities. Historically the fatalities have been among the very young and very old, pregnant women, and the chronically ill (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010a).

The first recognized pandemic occurred in July and August of 1510 when an outbreak of “gasping oppression” appeared nearly everywhere at once. It was described as a “‘gasping oppression’ with cough, fever, and a sensation of constriction of the heart and lungs”, leaving an impression strong enough for people to write of it decades later (Morens et al, 2010). At least seven contemporary and near-contemporary reports exist of the 1510 pandemic (Morens, North & Taubenberger, 2010). The 1510 outbreak had a high morbidity but low mortality, killing primarily children and those who had been over-bleed (Morens et al, 2010). Francesco Muralto, who lived through the 1510 pandemic, estimated that it killed about ten people in a thousand per day, or about 1% which is comparable to the Spanish flu. Yet, we do have to remember that Muralto was a lawyer and politician not a physician so his estimates of mortality may not be very accurate (Morens, North & Taubenberger, 2010)..

The figure below outlines 15 pandemics in the last 500 years. In this first pandemic and many that followed, influenza occurred during the summer. The frequency of pandemics varies widely from as short as 6 years to 149 years. Not one human pandemic has been recognized in the 17th century, though equine (horse) influenza was identified in 1648. Within the 149 year gap are many local epidemics, some of them quite severe.

Fig. 1 Influenza pandemics from 1510-2010. (Morens, Taubenberger, Folker, & Fauci, 2010. Placed in public domain)

These pandemics have gone by many contemporary names. Physician Daniel Sennet (1572-1637) reported that the “names applied to [the 1580 pandemic disease] included febrile catarrh, suffocating fever, epidemic catarrh, coughing epidemic, [and] contagious headache. The Germans called [it] ‘the chirp’, the sheep cough, and the sheep disease, [and] the chicken malady, because sick persons were suffering [as with] the coryza of chickens.” (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010a). Human cases of influenza associated with the great equine influenza panzootic of 1872 were said to have “epizooty” or “zooty”. Le Grippe (the grip) seems to have become a common name for influenza from the time of the Russian flu (1889-1893). Le Grippe is commonly found on death certificates in the early 20th century (at least in my area). For about the last century, pandemics have been known by their reputed city or country of origin: Russian flu (1889-93), Spanish flu (1918), Hong Kong flu (1968-69) and despite great efforts Mexican flu/swine flu (2009). The politics of naming flu pandemics came to the fore like never before in 2009 as neither Mexico or swine producers wanted the flu named after them.

Today we recognize that influenza is primarily evolves in wild birds and then circulates among domestic poultry, humans and swine. Historically influenza was once known primarily as an infection of horses that frequently spread to humans and dogs. Canine infections have frequently been documented, most recently in 2009, but appear to have been historically dead-end hosts. However, there is now an equine influenza H3N8 virus that has adapted to dogs where it its evolving by antigenic drift. Multiple lineages of the now dog virus are spreading internationally (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010a).

Equine influenza (H3N8) has circulated among humans in at least the 19th century. People born before 1893 produced antibody activity against equine influenza decades later. Human susceptibility to equine influenza has also been confirmed experimentally (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010a). Horse epizootics have correlated with influenza-like illness in humans in 1299, 1328, 1404, 1647-48, and 1657-1658. Between 1688 and 1888, Moren and Taubenberger (2010a) counted 112 human epidemics or horse epizootics in Europe. Of these outbreaks, only 20 were human only epidemics, 25 were horse only epizootics, and 67 were horse and human outbreaks. In the Americas over the same 200 year period, influenza-like illness was documented in only 56 years (half that of Europe) with humans and horses in 21 years, humans only 20 years and horses only in 10 years. Morens and Taubenberger (2010a) noted that in all but two years (1776 and 1780) when both horses and humans were infected, equine influenza proceeded the human outbreak by about 3 weeks. Before 1700 it was widely accepted that flu epidemics began with horses and ended with humans. By the mid-19th century it was beginning to be noted that horse outbreaks occurred in four-year cycles, probably due to herd immunity generated by previous epizootics. While human seasonal influenza was a winter phenomenon as it is today, when major human epidemics coincided with horse epizootics the human infections occurred in the spring and summer along with the horse outbreak (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010a).

Host switching between humans and swine has been documented in the twentieth century, most notably in 2009, but Morens and Taubenberger could not find evidence of swine influenza before 1918. Morens and Taubenberger (2010a) suggest that swine have replaced horses as the “secondary extra-human mammalian reservoir”. As swine are susceptible to both avian and human influenza A strains, they are a likely mixing host that could produce an antigenic shift with pandemic potential.

Avian influenza in domestic poultry has garnered a lot of attention for the last decade. Although the few human infections contracted directly from domestic poultry have produced high mortality rates, there is little historical evidence that avian influenza from domestic poultry has directly produced human pandemics even though the pandemic-causing genes ultimately originate in avian influenza from wild birds. The avian epizootic of 1872 that occurred simultaneously with the equine influenza epizootic of 1872 is the best lead for finding an avian influenza capable of causing a mammalian panzootic (Morens & Taubenberger, 2010b).

If influenza has shown us anything over the last 500 years it is that its unpredictable, expect the unexpected. Its host-switching abilities make it likely it will retain the ability to blind side us.

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This post was chosen as an Editor's Selection for ResearchBlogging.org

References:

Morens, D., Taubenberger, J., Folkers, G., & Fauci, A. (2010). Pandemic Influenza’s 500th Anniversary Clinical Infectious Diseases DOI: 10.1086/657429.

This article was placed in the public domain and is available for free here.

Morens, D., & Taubenberger, J. (2010a). Historical thoughts on influenza viral ecosystems, or behold a pale horse, dead dogs, failing fowl, and sick swine. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses, 4 (6), 327-337 DOI: 10.1111/j.1750-2659.2010.00148.x

 

Morens DM, & Taubenberger JK (2010b). An avian outbreak associated with panzootic equine influenza in 1872: an early example of highly pathogenic avian influenza? Influenza and other respiratory viruses, 4 (6), 373-7 PMID: 20958931

 

Morens DM, North M, & Taubenberger JK (2010). Eyewitness accounts of the 1510 influenza pandemic in Europe. Lancet, 376 (9756), 1894-5 PMID: 21155080